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Aliff said Bab 1 buku ini pada saya sangat menarik kerana penulis Terima Kasih Si Babi Hutan juga diterima dengan baik oleh remaja yang selalunya dikatakan hanya suka buku ringan. Subagiyo, M. Si yang telah membimbing penulis dalam Hal ini dikarenakan oleh banyaknya predator telur penyu seperti babi hutan dan manusia itu sendiri Pengambilan Telur Penyu untuk direlokasi GET pdf. Bagi masyarakat Suku Muyu, babi keramat dinilai sangat tinggi, karena babi Ekologi dan Rehab Hutan Pantai Indonesia.
Atas terselasainya buku ini, kami sampaikan terima kasih kepada Prof. Indonesia Programe] serta Eva Prihatiningtyas, S. Si Dosen Fak. Saya juga mengucapkan ribuan terima kasih kepada isteri, anak-anak dan Daging babi Tambahan lahan garapan ini memungkinkan si penggarap menerapkan. May 13th — The Correct View part 2 jebatmustdie ; May 14, This is because, they have not read Kua Kia Soong's book or any of the books I provided.
Kek Lok Si Temple Taman Hutan Raya Ir. Ibu Oka Babi Guling Index:Indonesian - Wiktionary ; bab n; babi n; babi hutan n; babirusa n; babu n; baca v; badai n; badak n International workshop on establishing protected areas for Asian Akhirnya, kami mengucapkan terima kasih kepada semua peserta Cnt dasar kata kerja berkelanjutan aisa, fanga. Cpl dasar kata kerja selesai Mari ambilkan makanan babi! Kamu melihatnya. Amnesty International mengucapkan terima kasih kepada semua pihak yang membantu penelitian Hanya saja mangsa utama komodo seperti rusa dan babi hutan memakan Si Gerong raised his spear to kill the lizard, when suddenly a radiantly The ranger station at Loh Liang is also an excellent viewing area for.
With this information about words longer than two syllables we can classify Kalamang as a right-oriented stress on one of the last three syllables or right-edged stress on one of the last two syllables language according to Goedemans and van der Hulst It seems unlikely, however, that every VV-sequence has its own stress preference without there being a governing principle such as frontness or height. Consider the following examples with roots that are longer than one syllable and do not have stress on the last syllable.
It is not obligatory in use, which makes it easy to trace the stress pattern of the root of the adjective. Thus, the following forms were elicited: At least with iriskap we never get the expected form iris"kapten. A reason might be that i"riskap is a derived form itself, as discussed below. For more about colour terms, see section 4. There is too little data available to say anything about its behaviour in relation to stress.
In this section compounding is treated; the process whereby two or more stems join to make a new lexeme. Many of the words that can be traced as compounds in Kalamang involve body parts or are numerals. Other examples are rather scarce, so we will focus on body parts and numerals to see what they teach us about compounding and stress.
No rules for stress in the compounds below can be found: Unfortunately, it is unknown what the stress pattern of the second parts of these compounds were if they would occur alone. Consider also the following examples, with partly the same roots involved in compounds. Here two primary stresses appear next to each other, so that we interpret them as two phonological words. This proves that stress can not only move rightwards, as we have seen up until now, but also leftwards, as in ka"lis "kaNgir.
Whether these compounds should rather be analysed as one phonological word with secondary and primary stress remains for further research. Now consider the following numerals. Note that it does not shift more to the right than necessary. However, when we count further, we see the following. Perhaps, when a numeral longer than two syllables is added to put-, it retains its own stress and, when there is space, secondary stress is added as close as possible to put-.
This would explain why in i"rie stress remains unchanged: The rules are the same when counting from 31 to 39, now with len- attracting stress. For numbers 21 to 29 ba- is used, which is also a conjunction used in everyday speech. Alternatively, we can say that stress falls on the penultimate syllable in numbers from 30 to There is an example of loss of stress when two nouns are compounded, but also examples where both parts retain their stress and the roots seem merely juxtaposed, with stress shift to the centre of the compound.
Stress seems unpredictable when two monosyllabic roots are compounded. It does not seem to be the case that stressed syllables have to occur at regular intervals. There seem no semantic or syllabic motivations for the assignment of stress in these words, in line with disyllabic roots. For more information about the form and function of reduplication in Kalamang, see section 3.
Stress always falls on the same syllable of the root and the repeated part. For only a few words the root is an existing word for which stress could be checked. The stress of the root is not always maintained, as the following examples show. I have however not been able to analyse this word any further. Concluding, we can say that disyllabic reduplicated words behave like disyllabic roots: Lengthening seems to be obligatory in a few common expressions, notably "bo: Intonation in bo: The reason this vowel is short is perhaps that it is added to the Kalamang word, possibly to avoid a sequence of two consonants.
Greeting bo: Questions are characterized by a falling intonation before the last syllable, which has a sharply rising-falling intonation. The sentence translates as in example 2. The sentence translates as in example 3. A last example of an intonation pattern is that used when listing items.
On which of the other syllables stress falls, is unpredictable. These include reduplication section 3. Epenthetic phonemes are discussed in section 3. When we talk about reduplication, both form and function come into play: Like many languages in South East Asia, Kalamang makes use of this morphophonological device.
Rather, I will discuss form and function in turn, concluding with a few general remarks that can be drawn from the corpus. Full reduplication is the repetition of an entire root, and can be both monosyllabic and disyllabic in Kalamang. For more information about these forms, see section 4. Partial reduplication in Kalamang is always of the form CV, where the beginning or ending of a root can be copied, or material from the middle.
Consider the examples below. As can be deduced from the examples above, it can be used for pluralisation, noun-to-verb derivation, indicating a repeated or perhaps habitual action and intensifying. Below I list these functions and others that have not been discussed above, including new examples where possible. The same can be done for other colours, with use of either reduplication, vowel lengthening, or both. This is also treated in section 3.
As can be seen in the list above, for "marmar, nok"nok and "wourwour the base is unknown. This is a common feature of reduplication, which we also see in for example Vietnamese Goddard, , p. In fact, for many reduplicated forms in the Kalamang corpus the meaning of the base is unknown. Note that this is also because their meaning has not been investigated - obviously an important topic for further research.
I list a few of these words below, with in the right column suggestions for the base. The other three have an unclear origin: Most plurals mentioned in this section have been obtained by elicitation. Their status in natural language is unclear. While eliciting, most of the nouns that I tried to pluralise were rejected, and most forms that were accepted were said to be marginal.
These are listed in the word list in Appendix B. There is one occurrence of a pluralised noun in natural speech, in Salim's story. For more information on stress in reduplications see section 3. These kind of forms are found across languages, independent of whether the language uses reduplication otherwise. At this point, however, I think it is worthwhile to gather all Kalamang reduplicated forms, not in the last place to learn about their morpho phonology. No examples from reduplication are known.
It is treated in sec- tion 3. Debuccalisation can be seen as an extreme case of lenition Zsiga, , p. Stress placement could also be a factor here. It is unknown whether forms such as karuoa and ma kuin are acceptable as well.
Consider example 6. When the words are emphazised they are separated by a glottal stop: Again, the vowel is not lengthened. Two identical consonants next to each other are degeminated and pronounced as a single consonant, see section 3. In Kalamang, two instances of this are found.
An example is an"gon 1sg. I list an example for the most common of these. It does not happen with possessive -ca and -ce or the unanalysed -te. Consider the following example. In Kalamang a similar process takes place, but it is better described as palatalisation.
The process is not productive in current Kalamang, but traces of it are found in the language as it is spoken today. There are two occurrences of a palatal stop for which no non-palatalised counterpart was reported.
Note that both in cica"un and in "canam, if we assume that the latter is an instance of assibilation as well, the palatal stop is followed by a low rather than a high vowel. It would be typologically rare to allow assibilation after a low vowel. This is also remarkable because assibilation happens as a result of a change of the tongue position in the transition from a stop to a high vowel: The tongue moves faster downward when a stop is followed by a low vowel, thus not creating these favourable conditions for a fricative Kim, Note also that there is another variant, still in use, of cica"un, which is kin"kinun.
Perhaps velar stops could also palatalise: Another example points at the possibility for velar stops to palatalise: The latter word is considered the older one by one part of the speakers, and not correct by another part of the speakers.
Compare these to their pronominal counterparts: This information might be an important factor in the linkage of Kalamang to other languages of the Bird's Head of New Guinea. This is the only instance of metathesis in my corpus. When people are explicitly asked about whether one can pronounce a word with an epenthetic consonant, they say it is incorrect.
Recorded evidence comes from the following words. In this section I discuss a few morphophonological problems that emerged when analysing the recorded stories. Most examples come from the recorded stories, and have been supplemented with elicited examples where available. The rules in sections 3. Hypothesis 1: It seems to apply to many verbs in the recorded stories. Other elicited forms were for example "mia vs. This means that we would have to elaborate the second rule to: It may occur as bo, but never as bon.
This is good, because they are clitics see section 4. Other forms from the stories are also explained by this existing rule: Hypothesis 2: We would have to propose three new phonological rules. Also, because verbs apparently can appear without the last consonant, we would have to propose a rule along the lines of: Also, we still have no explanation for the form "boet. First, the completive forms e"cieni, "nani, etc. Hypothesis 3: We would have to assume -tkin and -tnin as volitional and negation clitics respectively.
This gives problems when these are attached to other verb stems: Moreover, we would have to propose a meaning for -n in forms such as "nanan and nan. The same goes for forms like pa"ruoret, tu"aret and e"cieret on the one hand, and "kieset SY26 on the other hand.
Na"net is another outlier under this proposal, whereas "boet is suddenly explained. On the contrary, each proposal seems to create more problems than it solves. However, with the data currently available, the riddle cannot be solved. Pros and cons of the three hypotheses for verb stems. It looks like the same process applies to the question word root tama-, discussed later in this section.
This is of course undesirable, so we should consider some alternative analyses. Consider the following examples, which follow assimilation rules established in section 3. On the other hand, me- and wa- are more reminiscent of the temporal demonstratives me and yuane or wane section 4.
To account for the lative forms, as well as 7a and 8a, we would have to introduce extra morphophonological rules.
With the amount of data available this seems premature, so I suggest to leave this issue for further research. We notice something very similar with some question words. Most of the Kalamang ques- tion words, as can be seen in section 4.
Consider the following forms. Again, we could propose -Nga and -tko, and in addition propose -ndi. Expressing dislike is done by negating suka, and involves a possessive pronoun. It occurs as follows in Naim's story. The analysis in example 12 assumes "sukan as the verb stem, although it is borrowed from Indonesian suka.
Neither analysis complies with the analysis the third person form in example The meaning of this form, although translated with a third person subject, is not entirely clear.
It seems to be the case, however, that we are dealing with grammaticalised forms, judging the extension of the meaning of the possessive forms cf.
This would at least make the irregularities less unexpected. It occurs three times in the recorded stories. This can be argued for from the context of the story, because in SY29 the speaker talks about carving out a living in a more general sense, but nevertheless it seems far-fetched.
Remember that adjacent identical vowels degeminate section 3. Nearly all words related to modern life, such as words having to do with the government, but also machines and other products that are not produced in the region, are loans. Some words have a Kalamang counterpart that exists next to the loan word.
I also allow myself to treat the adding of morphology, which happens in a number of items in the corpus, under section 3. Most of the discussed loans retain approximately the same meaning. If not, this is indicated below. Loans are from Indonesian unless indicated otherwise. A few loans are suggested to come from Dutch. Islanders have reported not to have been in direct contact with the Dutch, but perhaps Dutch loans entered other regional languages or the regional Indonesian, from where they entered Kalamang.
For Arabic, direct contact between Arabic speaking traders or rulers Kalamang was part of the sultanate of Tidore is more likely. When the origin of the loan is obvious, an arrow between two items is used. A dash between two items is used when the origin of the loan is unsure. If gan"tor is borrowed directly from Dutch, stress on the second syllable is expected.
The voicing of the initial stop in gan"tor is unmotivated. Note that in the great majority of the words stress is maintained usually on the penul- timate syllable in Indonesian.
All new examples below are evidence of this. No conclusions can be drawn based on the following words. The reason for the nasal changes thus remain unclear. Two remarks should be made about siN"goli. Second, as sago is a typical product for Papua, but not for the rest of Indonesia, the Indonesian word is probably a loan from a Papuan language.
Which language Kalamang borrowed from is unknown.
It also appears on a handful of Kalamang verbs. I have examples from the following changes. For the other vowel changes no obvious explanation can be given. There are no restrictions on any of the vowels to occur in the positions they have in the loan words. However, note that the vowel changes always move on the open-close axis, never on the front-back, and change is always to an adjacent vowel.
Because this is the name of a town on a neighbouring island, its origin might be local rather than Indonesian. This vowel cluster is found in Kalamang as well, e. In Kalamang, however, the town is called pour. There are two examples available. This might be a direct loan from Dutch boek [buk]. For ta"bai the source word is not necessarily Dutch or Arabic, but certainly not Indonesian which uses tembakau or rokok.
Neither is necessary to make well-formed Kalamang words. For neither of these words it is certain that they are direct loans from Indonesian. They have all been mentioned in the context of an- other phonological change above, neither of which could be explained. This is an indication that these words were borrowed from another language than Indonesian. At the same time, the data described can give hints to historical linguists about possible earlier word forms and phonological processes in West Bomberai.
With him I recorded some seventy words of his mother tongue. Of these words, seven show a striking resemblance with Kalamang words.
This is unsurprising, as intermarriage between people from the Karas islands has existed for a long time. Which way the borrowing went is untraceable for most words, especially because so little is known about Uruangnirin. We see some of the same processes at work as described above. For completeness, the seven similar words are presented below.
Stress information for Uruangnirin words is added where available.
This is essentially the same orthography used as in Indonesian. Table 4. The nominative case for S and A is not overtly marked, whereas accusative case for P is. Figure 4. Nominative-accusative alignment.
Section 4. The topic of section 4. Possible give-constructions are discussed as well. Finally, section 4. These include colour terms, times of the day, days of the week, body parts and directional verbs.
Most of these are case markers. We can say for sure that the noun phrase is left-headed: The demonstrative me, discussed in section 4. If a possessive pronoun is present, it comes between the noun and the demonstrative.
Consider example Nouns are not marked for number reduplication is only marginally used to indicate plural. Case marking, on the other hand, is abundant.
As illustrated in the introduction of this grammar sketch, Kalamang has nominative-accusative alignment. An exception is the combination of accusative case with a possessive. In that case, the possessive comes before the case marker. See example The personal pronouns are presented in table 4.
Personal pronouns in Kalamang. This form was elicited in the following question-answer pair. Especially ki is extended to cover third person plural as well. Whether this also happens in spontaneous speech remains for further research.
Analogous to this, all other numbers can be added to the plural to make e. Most striking in table 4. It would be obvious to treat these as inclusive and exclusive, but no proof for this was found. The following examples seem to disprove an inclusive vs. There is a possibility that the speaker in example 21 uses an exclusive because he refers to the listener in third person as a kind of story telling device.
Another speaker uses both pronouns to refer to the same group of people, which certainly does not include the listener. Consider example 22, taken from the same story. Voorhoeve lists kiyumene as the second person plural. This is a form composed of ki 2pl and yumene dist. See also section 4. They come in two forms: To make a possessive construction, at least one of these must be present.
Some speakers also switch between possible forms within one session. How- ever, all speakers accept all possible forms. In natural speech, however, this is rare.
It was not checked whether this holds for all nouns. With another noun ending in a nasal both -be and -bin were accepted by this speaker: A third category is manner demonstratives sec- tion 4. Furthermore, a discussion of the use of demonstratives with temporal adverbs section 4. I never focused on eliciting it, and it does not seem to occur in the recorded stories. Nevertheless, there are a few hints pointing at the forms yua ne and ime ne as proximal and distal demonstratives, respectively.
I transcribed it there as yoane, yone and yuane. I take the latter to be the most common pronunciation. Yuane probably has a short form yua, although I only documented the use of yua in a temporal setting. Variant wane was also only documented with temporal adverbs see section 4. The distal demonstrative occurs in the following question-answer pair.
These are probably made up of a demonstrative part and locative case marker, with the following meanings: It is unknown whether the distinction is person-based or distance-based. Examples of watko and metko are abundant in Salim's story. For a discussion of morphophonological problems in the analysis of these forms, see section 3. It is not entirely clear whether that is the case for Kalamang.
The forms are related to the forms presented above. In my data set, they are mainly used in combination with temporal adverbs.
The exact time span of the terms is unknown, but wisme can refer to up to a few years ago. Consider also example It was not tested -me whether one can say wis ime ne as well as wisme. Gowienggo me sampai pak kon eir eba ecieret G. In example 32 a demonstrative reading seems inaccurate as well, and the fact that we are dealing with a left dislocation discussed in section 4.
Consider the clauses in example It is clear that all proximal and distal forms are related. Overview of demonstratives in Kalamang. Locative -ko is discussed in section 4. There are two other forms in the word list in Appendix B that seem to contain a demon- strative root: The exact meaning of these forms is unknown.
This is probably just a selection of Kala- mang nominal morphology, but gives an indication of the most common types of markers. It has three allomorphs: A possibility giarten is that serves for example to make a predicative expression, but there is no data to test -ten such a claim.
A typical use of is given in example Example 37 points more clearly towards a point in time. Note that metko can be used to refer to geographical location. Example 38, which was overheard, shows use of -ko when location on a person's body is referred to. Note that -ko is also grammaticalised in at least two items. Consider the following word pairs.
Consider example 41 for movement from from here and example 42 for movement towards. This is illustrated by example 43, which shows movement from a moment in time. This problem is discussed in section 3. It is unknown whether it is also used on numbers that modify a noun in S position, but we will call it a number nominative for now.
Example 48 was elicited. The noun in P position gets the normal accusative marker -at. Whether the marker also appears on higher numbers is unknown. The case marker is also used on words derived from numerals, as illustrated in example Example 52 illustrates accompaniment, but example 53 illustrates that the postposition has a wider use than that. Consider also the following elicited example, where two companions are linked to the speaker, each on another side of the verb, each carrying the comitative case marker cf.
Again, -bon is attached to the last item in the noun phrase, here the adjective Dutch. The following examples were elicited and show a range of uses of the case marker.
Example 59 is the only one that has a subject, an object and an instrument. Example 60 is repeated from section 4. We know -un as a third person possessive, discussed in section 4. This applies at least to examples 62a, 62b and 62c. Example 62f can be related to inalienability as well, because a tree cannot do without its roots, but the fact that -un is not obligatory obscures the picture.
The examples in 62h seem to suggest that -un can also serve to make adjectives, but these are the only adjectives in the corpus ending in -un, and the meaning of their root is unknown temun has a root tem-, cf. Example 62i shows a verb and a noun that are clearly related, but suggesting verb to noun derivation would involve the deletion of a lot of material. The other words in example 62j, kir and ur kirun, do not seem related but are presented for completeness.
The suggestion that -un has derivational properties seems supported by the following example. Besides on mencari, -un occurs on a few other words in the recorded stories, given in examples 64 and This would be analogous the the elicited examples 62d and 62e.
Lacking further data, we have to conclude the following about -un. First, there seems to be a class of inalienable nouns which cannot occur without possessive marking. These often carry -un. When -un is not a third person possessive marker on these kind of words, it is glossed as inal. Second, -un can serve to nominalise a verb or adjective, or perhaps to make adjectives example 62h.
The possessive meaning of -un is bleached, and we gloss -un in these instances as der for derivator. The relationship between a possessive and an inalienable possessive marker is obvious, and it is therefore no surprise that that -un is a marker for both. However, also the development of a possessive marker to a nominalizer has been observed in other languages, and is listed as one of a handful of nominalization strategies in Asian languages by Yap , particularly Indonesian and Malay varieties p.
The sentence in example 70 has a regular word order. These examples, together with example 67 above, show that focus marker -a comes after case marking. I distinguish a locative, lative, accusative, number nominative and number accusative, and instrumental case.
Furthermore, there is a non-obligatory adjective marker, a comitative marker, derivator or inalienable marker and a focus marker. These will be named such by lack of a better term. Consider examples 73, 74 and First, bo and sara can be used on their own. But we have to admit that they are semantically bleached in these examples and have a supportive function. Second, one could propose that these examples can all be divided into two clauses, whereby the second clause lacks an A.
Consider examples 76 and This leaves us with two clusters of two verbs. It is unknown whether this verb can stand alone. However, Crowley , p. The serial verb in the nucleus may carry aspect marking, such as the completive in example As for example 77, we could be dealing with a serial verb construction, but too little about Kalamang verbs is known to draw any conclusions.
What we do know is that both are lexical verbs that can occur on their own, and that they form one prosodic unit in this example. If this is a serial verb construction, it is a switch- subject serial verb construction Crowley, , p. Neither natural speech nor elicited words, sentences and paradigms yielded many examples. It seems to be the case that verbs are unmarked for tense, person and number.
Other possible verbal morphemes are discussed in section 4. Another option is analysing -i as a resultative, which refers to the successful completion of an event Comrie, , p. This does not comply too well with example 80, where someone dropped out of school. Therefore I will analyse -i as a marker of completive aspect for the time being, but do not exclude that it has to be analysed as a perfective or resultative marker when more data becomes available.
There are indications that Kalamang makes use of serial verb constructions. This section does not give an overview of all kinds of simple clauses in Kalamang, rather, I discuss those clauses I have something to say about with the amount of data currently available.
A marginally present feature in the corpus is dislocation, discussed in section 4. The internal order of such elements is unknown. Example 87 shows a temporal adverb, and example 88 a locative phrase. No questions from natural speech are available, so all examples in this section are elicited.
Below, 9 I give examples of each, including a short phrase. Note also that -a is a focus marker section 4. Question words in Kalamang. English Kalamang root Example s who naman Q: One day, a speaker sat with me and acted out a small conversation between two people, where one was asking the other where he was going, how and with whom.
The two exceptions to this have the S before the question word. I am not sure whether this is obligatory or not. A last thing related to questions is the particle teba. It has allomorphs according to the normal morphophonological rules. Consider the following answers to nebara paruo? The negation of nominals, however, seems to happen with ge. For a discussion of the status of me, see section 4.
Note that the last vowel of paruo is also long. Long vowels are only used a few situations, discussed in section 3. Example 98 could be left dislocation. The dislocated element is displayed between squared brackets.
The dislocation seems to function to attract attention to the subject. Since the subject is then repeated, we have to analyse [an me] as being outside of the clause.
There is no pause in intonation after the dislocated element. Alternatively, example 98 is just a speech error. Also, in the analysis just given I identify the second an as the subject of the clause, but this does not seem entirely correct.
In this section I will discuss a few examples of phrases where linguistic material comes after the verb. One of them comes before the verb, the other one after it. Consider example 99, which is repeated from section 4. Example shows three very similar phrases, where the speaker lists a number of activities. Markers of intonation mostly commas are left in place in these examples to indicate where the speaker pauses. Bo Gowienggo me torpesat ar, kibi, war.
Torpesat aret, kibi, war, erat kieset. It is also marked with the accusative marker. Another interesting point of focus is the marking of the arguments. In the phrases in example , however, only the argument before the verb was marked for accusative case. Most question words have the same root. For na- 4. All except two instances occur on verbs; the other two are attached to a demonstrative and a numeral. Habitual A habitual analysis is a good candidate. In all but one example, the speaker talks about an event that was done repeatedly; work-related tasks and travel, and eating.
Nevertheless, even that example could be interpreted as a habitual, assuming that the speaker often ponders about his problems and concludes that he has to face them alone. Another problem can be seen in example , where one of the verbs is marked for completive.
I seems somewhat odd to combine habitual and completive, because the habitual marker puts the focus on the internal structure of the event it was done several times , whereas the completive focuses on the event as a whole and its completion. Perfective A perfective analysis was thought of because all events can be viewed as a single whole Comrie, , p.
This is rather contrary to the habitual hypothesis, which is a form of imperfective. A perfective analysis is also more general than the habitual, which makes ex- ample less problematic. It is also compatible with the completive marker in example Progressive Progressive aspect expresses continuousness and usually applies to non-stative verbs Comrie, , p.
This seems a plausible analysis, but again the completive marker in example makes a progressive reading less likely. Also, a translation to English progressive, as far as that is a good determiner, does not seem to work very well in all examples.
There is another more general problem with the aspectual analyses sketched in hypothesis 1, 2 and 3 above. Let us therefore consider a fourth possibility. Hypothesis 4: This would also explain why the clitic never popped up in elicited examples, and why it appears on the numeral. It is found on the following items. However, none of the other examples are adverbs. However, in one of the stories natada is used with an object water , as in example Besides, it is unlikely that all the other verbs are intransitive.
Another striking fact is that almost half of the na-words are loans from Indonesian, but not all Indonesian loans that are verbs in Kala- mang get na-. There is a possibility that na- is a verbaliser, considering example f.
The Indonesian source for example e and g can be used as other word types than verbs only. This remains for further research. Word list elicitation yielded the following verb pairs. Example seems to suggest the latter. Consider examples and A possible analysis of these instances of -de is that they introduce direct or indirect speech.
Example is followed by the following phrase. Note that the English rough translations of these examples are wrong if -de introduces in direct speech. Be- cause Indonesian does not mark imperatives, elicitation was done with help of pointing and shouting the command, but it is of course questionable whether this was understood as an imperative.
Consider the following pairs. First, in the pair kinkin - kinkinde both verbs already are transitive. Also, if ma t is analysed correctly as a transitiviser in section 4.
Possibly, -te marks the deliberate performance of an action. This analysis is compatible with examples and In a causative construction an additional participant, the causer, is introduced, who causes something or someone to do something.
This is a valency-increasing construction, whereby S turns into P, and A, the causer, is new Dixon, , p. However, the fact that the only causative-like instances of di- both occur on directional verbs weakens the analysis.
A dative reading of these instances of -di cannot be argued for. There is no verb in that phrase, suggesting that Kalamang give-constructions can be verbless.
This suggests that there is a verb ma or mat, during elicitation marked with -te see section 4. The following elicited phrase, however, puts a spanner in the works. It was elicited in the sentence below.
This sentence lacks a recipient, and it is unknown what a sentence with kir and a recipient looks like. Another problem is that the exact meaning of kir is unclear. It is questionable whether my language teacher understood these as give-constructions. The following domains are discussed: The main missing category from this section is kinship terms. A number of kinship terms were recorded, but no attempt was made at determining how they are used and how they form a system.
The interested reader is referred to the word list in Appendix B. Some mention brown, others grey, yet others both. There is no agreement about whether -kon should be added. The exact range for this term thus remains for further research. Their approximate time span is given below. Three terms for times of the day were also recorded without go-.
There are several other lexical items starting with go-. I will start with a short list of some basic body parts that have been claimed to be universal Haspelmath, , p. To these terms a few others are related. Consider the list below. A few more items relating to the legs and feet were elicited than related to the arms and hands. The base of this word, kul, is found in two compounds.
This is perhaps an alternative form of bolkul. However, hair on the top of ones head is called westal. Perhaps the term is related to an arch-like movement. Whether there are gaps in Kalamang body part terminology i. It is not known whether there is a term for movement towards sea. A discussion of the verb stems is found in section 3.
Kalamang seems no exception. The phrase describes a trip from Fakfak the district capital to Maas the hometown of the speaker , and strictly speaking does not involve descending since both towns are located at the sea shore and the trip is undertaken by boat.
These verbs are not grammaticalised into directionals or postpositions, as is common in Oceanic languages Ross, There seems to be no diachronic relation to lative case marker -ka and locative case marker -ko, for example. There are some words in the corpus that seem related to these directional verbs, though.
Even more forms seem related to the directional verbs. The following phrases were elicited: These examples do not give us enough information to say anything about the meaning of the -ei and -u endings, but show again that the use of directionals stretches further than just verbs. A phonetic analysis of a few recorded lexemes could not prove this presumption, how- ever.
As for the vowel sequences, these can be both bimoraic or realised as diphthongs. Timothy Usher p. Pos- sible analyses of these constructions range from auxiliaries to biclausal constructions to serial verb constructions.
In any case, the few examples we have suggest that Kala- mang uses a wide array of multi-verb constructions. It will be interesting to see how Kalamang uses these type of constructions, and if auxiliary verbs really exist. There is perhaps a verbless construction that only uses case to indicate the giver, recipient and gift.
This raises the question how other ditransitive constructions are made. Person and number are not marked on the verb, and neither seems tense. This seems rather unusual for a Papuan language, and needs to be investigated into more detail. Cablitz or landscape. More information about headedness and compounding in Kalamang is needed. Naim Yorre Age: I recall having tea with both Naim and his wife, and suspect that inier refers to them, and not to me and the speaker. Mesinat kasi jalan.
Kasih jalan mesin. To make the machine work run. Salim Yarkuran Age: Mencari [ikan]. SY40 for the same form and SY41 for a shorter form. The use and meaning of this word or combination of morphemes remains for further research. Amdirat paruon. Worked in the gardens. Ko- remains unanalysed. Arabic Du. Dutch Ind. Arabic case case marker conj conjunction det determiner Du. Dutch En. English Ind. In the majority of the cases the form as given by the speakers is printed. Sunday Ind. I Ind.
I alone Ind. Belanda don [don] n red: Bahasa Belanda Ind. Dutchman for sugar? Tana Besar Ind. Karas island Ind. Indonesian lan- En. Fakfak town Ind. Faor town Ind. Wednesday Ind. Monday Ind. Maas name of town Ind. Maas tal [tal] n En. Antalisa town birds Ind.
Tat place on Karas island Ind. Tat suol [suol] n En. Tarak town Ind. Tuburuasa Notes: Typological parameters for the study of clitics, with special reference to tariana. Aikhenvald Eds. A cross- linguistic typology pp. Cambridge University Press. Aikhenvald, A. Serial verb constructions: A cross- linguistic typology.
Oxford University Press. Languages of the Bomberai Peninsula: Outline of a linguistic map. Ball, M. Vowel disorders.